ダヴィ
https://freeassociations2020.blogspot.com/2021/06/georges-davy-wikipedia.html
モースはダヴィを参照している。
ダヴィが参照したのは以下、
178
SWANTON, THE HAIDA.
same day he who potlatched sent messengers to talk over the order of dancing,
and the day after completing these arrangements the people were summoned.
When all had assembled in the house of the host, the town people and the
guests were ranged on opposite sides of the house, and those who were going
to be inspired sat at the upper end of the house. They sat there for the
For this duty the visiting chiefs were
After the chiefs had danced awhile,
they went up to the rear of the house where the novices sat, and threw
When they did this to any one, he threw himself on the
ground. Two of the guests danced at the same time in the rear part of the
Other novices threw themselves upon the ground in the same way.
The guests and town people who acted as companions to the novices were
chosen from the highest ranks only. One of them sat by the face of each
who had fallen down. By and by all of the novices went out, and the guests
and town people began to sing. Again the novices (those who were inspired)
entered the house where they were singing, and went behind the screen.
While they were there, the chiefs went around the fire, singing a peculiar
guests to put the spirits into them.
taken ;
and they, too, did the dancing.
feathers at them.
house.
song.
This was all for that day.
Page -195- 1. Swanton, Tlinkit (36"' annual Report. Bar. of amer Ethnol). Ynu plus liant, p. 171, la référence complète.
Page -391- III. Les faits de potlatch décrits par M. Swanton 179-187
Page -391- III. Les faits de potlatch décrits par M. Swanton 179-187
スワントンはフィールドワークにおいてカナダ先住民族の二つの地域を比較している。
ハイダ関連
Contributions to the ethnology of the Haida. Memoirs of the AMNH ; [v. 8, pt. 1]; Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition ; v. 5, pt. 1.
日付: 1905
Very early next morning, before daylight came or the raven called, all
were summoned; and when the potlatch-house was filled, they began to sing.
They sang until daylight, but, when the raven called, stopped and went out.
This was done for four days successively; and at the end a long pounded-
cedar-bark rope was stretched from the doorway to the beach, and no one
If any one went around the front, they
seized him, took him into the house, and put him among the novices. On
that day, too, they prepared food for the novices, and, going around the
They did not invite
them by word of mouth, but only tapped on the ground in front of them
The heralds wore cedar-bark rings, and those invited used the
When they got inside, the
This was then put into four new.
trays, and one flicker-feather was put into each. Four selected men (who
Two of these called out
went by the front of the house.
town, called all of those who were already initiated.
with canes.
same.
Members of both clans went to the feast.
people started preparing food for them.
were to receive the food) took up these trays.
“Halu'gułiē !" and went around the fire. The other two called out “Great
They said this four times, and,
after having spoken, kept the trays for themselves. Before sitting down they
put food into the fire; and when it began to burn, the novices behind the
power !" (Wi'naxna'o!') and did the same.
screen began blowing whistles.
This feast was called Gu'gadōt.
Then they brought out dried mountain-trout, and handed it to a chief
from among those invited (from the other town) who sat in the rear of the
small piece, and all of those invited bit off
house.
First of all, he bit off
! A Tsimshian word.
日付 1905
178 SWANTON, THE HAIDA 同じ日にポトラッチした者が使者を送って踊りの順序を話し合わせ、その準備が完了した翌日に人々が召集されました。主催者の家に全員が集まると、町の人々と客は家の両側に並び、鼓舞される側の人々は家の上の方に座った。彼らはそこに座っていた。この任務のために、訪問した長者たちはしばらく踊った後、長者たちは初心者が座っている家の後部に上がり、投げた。誰かにこれをすると、その人は地面に身を投げた。客のうちの二人は、家の後部で同時に踊り、他の初心者も同じように地面に身を投げた。修行僧のお供をする客や町の人たちは、最高位の者だけが選ばれた。その中の一人が、倒れた人の顔のそばに座っていた。やがて、修行僧たちが全員外に出ると、客や町の人たちが歌い始めた。再びノビスケ（感化された者）は、歌を歌っている家に入り、屏風の裏に入った。彼らがそこにいる間に、酋長たちは火の周りを回り、霊を入れるために独特の客を歌い、彼らも踊りをした。その日はこれでおしまい。
次の日の朝早く、日が暮れる前に、あるいはカラスが呼ぶ前に、全員が召集され、ポトラッチハウスが満員になると、彼らは歌い始めた。日が暮れるまで歌っていましたが、カラスが鳴くと止めて出て行きました。これを4日間続けたが、最後に杉皮を叩いた長い縄を戸口から浜辺に張ったが、誰もいなかった。 誰かが表に回り込んだ時には、その人を捕まえて家の中に入れ、修行僧の中に入れた。その日も、修行僧のために食事を用意し、家の周りを回って、口伝えで誘うことはせず、目の前の地面を叩くだけであった。 伝令者は杉皮の指輪をし、誘われた者は杉皮の指輪を使った。選ばれた4人の男（このうちの2人が呼んだ）が家の前に行き、町の中で、すでにイニシエーションを受けている人たちを全員杖を持って呼んだ。両氏族のメンバーは宴会に行き、人々は彼らのために食べ物を準備し始めた。 は食べ物を受け取ることになった）これらのトレイを取り上げた。"Halu'gułiē !"と言って、火の周りを回りました。他の二人は「グレート」と声をかけた。彼らはこの言葉を4回言い、話し終わった後、お盆を自分たちのものにした。座る前に食べ物を火の中に入れ、燃え始めると、初心者は力の後ろに「！」と言っていた。スクリーンは口笛を吹き始めた。この宴をグァガドートと呼んだ。そして、ヤマメの干物を持ってきて、（他の町から）招待された人の中から、小駒の後ろに座っている長者に手渡し、招待された人は皆、家の中で噛み切ってしまった。まず、彼が噛んだのは！？ツィムシアン語の一つ。
トリンギット関連
swanton 1908
Social condition, beliefs, and linguistic relationship of the Tlingit Indians / by John R. Swanton.
- Swanton, John Reed, 1873-1958.
- Date
- 1908
ポトラッチ
potlatch
1
2
ページ
books.google.co.jp › books
1935 · スニペット表示
次の書籍のコンテンツと一致: – 68 ページ
This was counted as if it were an actual killing and the hosts had to pay several slaves for his life . POTLATCHES ... Swanton'sstatement ( 1909 , p . 434 ) that all ... The second night all participants again gather in the host's house . The host ...
Northern Haida Songs - 8 ページ
books.google.co.jp › books
John Enrico · 1996
次の書籍のコンテンツと一致: – 8 ページ
When dawn came , they all went to gather wood . ... along singing , carrying the firewood on their shoulders . When they arrived with it , they threw it down in front of the [ host's ? ) house . ... [ Swanton1908a : 796 ] ( Note the dance performance . ) ...
Oral Literature - 28 ページ
books.google.co.jp › books
Jay Miller · 1992 · スニペット表示
次の書籍のコンテンツと一致: – 28 ページ
THE ORIGIN OF ICEBERG HOUSE ( Swanton 1909 , 52 - 53 ) A man and his wife were living at a certain fort . At that time some disease came into the world and destroyed all of their uncles , fathers , and friends . Then the man thought within himself , " I ought to give some sort of feast to my dead friends , " and he began to gatherberries . ... During the feast , the moieties ( halves ) are being represented since hosts can only achieve fame and goodwill when their guests belong to the ... La foi jurée : étude sociologique du problème du contrat : la formation du lien contractuel
by Davy, Georges, 1883-
Publication date 1922
POTLATCHES
Superficially the Tlingit potlatch resembled that of the Haida, but with the former only one motive underlay the custom, regard for and respect for the dead, and there was but one kind of potlatch in consequence. The putting up of a house or pole, and the secret society performances, feasts, and distributions of property which accompanied it, were all undertaken for the sake of the dead members of a man's clan, and to them every blanket that was given away and a great deal of food that was put into the fire were supposed to go. It was believed, as indicated in the last section, that the souls of the dead were actually present and feasted and rejoiced with the living, receiving spirit food and spirit clothing along with the reception of their material counter- parts by men on earth. Whenever a blanket was given away a dead person had to be named, and he received a blanket in the spirit world; whenever a little food was put into the fire and a dead man's name pro- nounced, a great deal of the same kind of food was received by him. Among the Haida, on the other hand, the social idea quite over- balanced the religious. When a man took the place of his dead uncle or brother he was indeed obliged to give a feast and make a distribu- tion of property to those of the opposite phratry, and the latter acted as undertakers; but this potlatch was of very much less importance than the great potlatch which a chief made to his own phratry, which was purely social in purpose and intended only to increase his reputa- aAll the stories referred to in this paper are to be published later in the form of a bulletin. DAccording to Katishan, however, plereings for labrets were made at another time.
SWANTON) POTLATCHES 435 tion and advance his standing. The idea of giving property to a mem- ber of one's own phratry or of employing him in putting up the house was altogether abhorrent to Tlingit notions of propriety. A Tlingit employed his opposites to do everything-to put up his house and pole, pierce the lips and ears of his and his friends' children, initiate them into the secret societies, ete. If he did not "show respect" to his opposites by doing so, with the intent of not being obliged to pay much property, he was looked down upon by everybody. The same thing might happen if not enough property was received by the phratry invited. Once the Llük!naxA'dî did not give away enough food to satisfy some of their guests, so the latter took three or four high names from them by way of retaliation. When the people were assembled for a feast, the feast giver and his friends stood at the inner end of the house, which was the place of honor, and also around the door, and his guests ranged themselves in two parties facing each other at the sides. The division of the guest phratry at this feast was evidently based on supposed consanguinity. If people were invited from another town they formed one party and the town people the other; if only the town people were invited, they, of course, had to divide into two bands. At Sitka this division was as follows: If a Raven chief gave the feast, the Box-house people danced on one side of the fire and the Wolf-house and Eagle's-Nest-house people over against them, all being Kä'gWAntan. If a Wolf chief invited the Ravens, the KiksA'dî danced against the Llük!naxA'df and Q!atkaa'yî. At Wrangell the Qa'tcadi, Kiksa'di and Ti hît tän stood on one side when Ravens were called and the Käsq lague'dî and Tälqoe'dî on the other. When Wolves were summoned, the Nänyaa'yî and Sliknaxa'df stood on one side; the Xoqle'dî Kaya'ckidetan and later probably the Xet qoan opposite. The visitors paid for their entertainment, so to speak, by assuaging the host's grief through their songs and dances. Great rivalry was always exhibited by the two parties, however, and their endeavors to outdo each other some- times almost resulted in bloodshed. Each side attended carefully to the slightest remark made by an opponent, especially by the two song leaders with which each was provided, and the least slight, though couched in the most metaphorical language, was at once seized upon and might precipitate a riot. The actions of each dancer were also scrutinized with great care, and any little mistake noted and remem- bered. The strain upon a dancer was consequently so great that, if a fine dancer died soon after the feast, it was said, "The people's looks have killed him." Crests were a favorite subject for representation in the dances, the dancers appearing clad in appropriate clothing, masks, etc., and giving imitations of the actions of the crest animal or object. Even crests dif- ficult of representation, as the mountain Tsaxa'n and the rock TA'naku
436 THE TLINGIT INDIANS EXTH. ANN. 20G (see p. 418) were imitated. The T!A'q!dentan, who alone had a right to use Tsalxa'n, represented the manner in which clouds stopped part of the way down its sides when the weather was going to be fair or went all over it when it was to be bad weather. When they met the Chilkat people in dances, those from Sitka and Wrangell danced the Tsimshian dance and the Chilkat people the Athapascan dance. Masks were used in the shows (yîkteyî') which each clan gave at a potlatch, but they were not valued as highly as the crest hats and canes. The Kiksa'dî at Wrangell would show masks of the sun, of various birds, such as the eagle, hawk (kîdju'k), and flicker (kün), and of animals, such as the bear, wolf, and killer whale. The Nanyaa'yî showed masks of the killer whale, shark, ground hog, grizzly bear, and gonaqade't, and the Käsqlague'di the gonaqade't, Näs-ca'ki-yel (see p. 434), the owl, and the land-otter man (kü'cta-qa). Secret society dances were imported from the south, as the name luqana', evidently from Kwakiutl Lü'koala, testifies, but their observ- ance had by no means reached the importance attained among the Kwakiutl and Tsimshian. At Sitka the writer heard of but one man who had become a luqana', a Kîksa'dî named MaawA'n. He said that the luqana' were spirits who came from the body of the luqana' wife of the Sun's son, a cannibal woman referred to in one of the chief Tlingit stories, who was broken to pieces and thrown down by her husband. When they came upon him, they would fly along through the air with him. They forced him to eat dogs and do various other things, and they made him cry Hai, hai, hai, hai." Once, as they were flying along, they left him suddenly, and he dropped upon the side of a cliff where he hung on the point of a rock by his cheek. At the time of his possession people ran around with him with rattles and sang cer- tain songs to keep him from going away, and they also sat on the tops of the houses singing. All this was to restore him to his right mind. At Wrangell the luqana' performances seem to have been better known and to have existed in greater variety. A man could imitate any ani- mal except a crest of some other family. As was the case farther south, whistles (luqana' doa't-cî) were essential concomitants of the secret society dances. How far the element of pure entertainment entered into secret society performances is uncertain, but it figured largely at the feasts in other ways. A Sitka man once became displeased at something, started off, and became a mountain called A wati'ni-qa (Man-that-went- away-forever-because-he-was-sad)." Because this man belonged to the Sitka KiksA'dî that family does not allow anyone to mention the name of this mountain during a feast. If he does they make him a When one says, "There is a cloud on Awatl'nl-qa (Āwatl'nl-qa yêt a'wacat)" people know It will be bad weather. If a cloud liesup against it, the weather will be fair; if the cloud goes up against it and disappenrs, the weather will be stormy.
ーーーー SWANTON] POTLATCHES 437 drink so great a quantity of grease that he usually throws it up, and is very much ashamed in consequence. The sufferer is paid a double amount, however, in the distribution of property. On the other hand, the stream where ex-Governor Brady's sawmill is situated, called Killer-whale's-dorsal-fin river (Kit-gü'cî hin), belonged to the Ka'gwAntan. When they were about to have a feast those people said, "Killer-whale's-dorsal-fin river is running over (Kit- gü'cî-hin yenaWA'L!), and then one had to be careful, for if he spoke about that creek he was called out and treated as in the other case. Nowadays, however, the river is made fun of, because it is so small. The big Chilkat tray, to be spoken of later, was used in a similar sort of merrymaking. A feast was prefaced by considerable fasting, in order to bring good luck to the various persons concerned. When a house was being put up the owner fasted and after it was erected he had water-soaked animal stomachs thrown about among the people in the house, at the same time wishing for wealth. Before her lip was pierced for the labret a woman fasted, for otherwise she thought that the hole would spread and take her mouth entirely away. The broad labrets are said to have been made by old women, but the long ones by men to give to the women they were in love with. When he was about to undertake any task a man who had eight house posts in his house had to fast eight days, one for each post. Slaves were always killed and their bodies thrown into the holes in which the house posts were to be inserted. The copper plates used all along this coast changed hands in potlatch time. Anciently they are all said to have come from Copper river, and when first made they were valued according to their height, some at four slaves, some at six. Many of the potlatch songs were naturally in memory of the dead, and according to Katishan the most valued of these were composed at the time of the flood and record the sad events that happened then, such as the finding of bodies when the waters went down and the part- ing of the clans on that occasion. These were very solemn songs and the people thought that they received strength through them. They were never sung on ordinary occasions. There were plenty of modern songs, however, to record any event, trifling or important, and composed with every sort of motive. If a man's near relative, such as his mother, died, it is said that a song was made up inside of him, where it worked until it came out. not through a man's own will, but the way that Raven made people that brings forth a new song when people are called together after one has died." These songs often dealt with the place whither they thought their friend had gone. There is a Ka'gwantan song called ca'qlaciyi', sung almost as a woman sings, which was used only at potlatches. "It is
438 THE TLINGIT INDIANS (ETIL ANN, 26 At the beginning of a potlateh, when a house had just been comnpleted, all the host's friends assembled inside of it and "danced it together" by making motions four times to the right and four times to the left as they danced. These motions were accompanied by as many songs. The following is an account of a feast at Chilkat, substantially as given by Dekina'k!", an eyewitness and participant. The givers of the feast were Yelgü'xo and Yēlya'k of the Raven people of Klukwan. After Yelgü'xo's house was completed his wife came down from Chilkat with leaf tobacco to invite the Sitka people. The first house named was the Wolf house (the house of A'naxūts!, chief of the Ka'gwantan), and they named all the houses up this way (that being the Ka'gwantan end of the town). In the evening she invited all to supper. When they were all seated in the house, she began distrib- uting leaf tobacco and the guests smoked. Then the woman, and those friends who came with her, rose and delivered the invitation. When the meal was over the town people danced before their visitors by way of payment. They took out all of their crests-such as hats, woven blankets, and emblem shirts--before the visitors, in order to show them respect. Next day she again feasted them and again they danced for her. The morning after that the woman took a piece of charcoal and threw it outside as an invitation to her people to give her property. She asked for this in order that they might feel just as good as the Klukwan Wolves who had built her husband's house, for those of Sitka had not had a hand in it. The woman was sent to them because she also was a Wolf. Had the host lived in the same town he would have sent a brother-in-law instead. So the people went to her that morning and placed before her $1,000 worth of property. The woman knew, however, that her husband was very rich, so she demanded more than $2,000 worth, and obtained it. After they had made ready their dancing hats, bark rings for the neck and head, etc. all started off and their hostess followed them. They had four dance leaders, and at every place where they camped they practised dancing. While they were going up the dance leaders had to fast for two days and for some time they had to keep away from women; otherwise they would not live long. When people invite others they say, "We will have a war dance together," in order to scare them, meaning thereby that they will have a dancing and singing con- test. So the dance leaders had prepared themselves by fast nence, and the manufacture of medicines made of flowers, as if pre- paring for war. visitors would divide and rush together as if they were fighting, brandishing wooden knives. They would also, especially if a powerful clan like the Ka'gwantan, plunder canoes or even towns of their pro- visions. Atthis time they carried away all the potatoes from Killisnoo. absti- When they went along to a potlateh the canoes of
SWANTON] POTLATCHES 439 When they were very close to the town their hostess told them to go ashore, so that she might give them the last meal. On reaching Yêndê'staqlê, the town at the mouth of Chilkat river, a cannon was fired off to stop them, because Chief Danäwä'q! wanted to feast them also. He gave them twenty large boxes of eulachon grease, part of which he distributed and part he gave them to drink. They drank this excitedly and impetuously, snatching the boxes from one another in their eagerness. Then all the visitors, men and women, danced before this chief to pay him for his hospitality. They had great sport. When they camped halfway up to Klukwan two cannon were fired, but they were still too far off to be heard. When they started up again next morning the news had somehow or other reached Klukwan, and many came down to help them by fastening ropes on the canoes and pulling them along from the shore. That day they camped in sight of Klukwan, and both parties began welcoming each other by firing off cannons. Next day the two givers of the feast started down, accompanied by all their friends, and they brought along twenty boxes of eulachon grease and twenty more of berries, as well as firewood. They also brought the crests and left them overnight there, as a sign that they would be safe with the guests. Next morning the Klukwan people went down to see the Sitka people dance. Four songs had to be made for this dance, and after the fourth was sung the Klukwan people went back to prepare for their own dance. When the visitors reached Klukwan the first man to come out of the house was Yexa'k, who wore a hat provided with ears and covered with abalone shell. He had a bow and arrows in his hand, and as he came down he kept making the motions of letting go an arrow. He did this because he was about to spend a great quantity of money and wished to show how brave he was. Yelgü'xo came out next. On his head was the Raven hat, and he was leading a number of women. Meanwhile men appointed for the purpose kept firing cannons. Finally all of the people were taken into Raven house (Yel hit), Black Whale house (Ya'i hît), and Valley house (Q!ak hît). When guests from foreign towns were going to dance everybody left home and crowded into the dance house, where they were made welcome, and great fun went on. It was customary for the visitors from another town to dance first, so the Sitka people began coming in singing the Tsimshian song. One man stood just inside and one just outside, as watchmen. They sang, "There is a rich man coming. He is on the way." When they were halfway through singing the words, the Sitka chief (Thom) entered dancing. After that the Klukwan Eagles danced in their turn. There were three families, the DAqLlawe'di, Taqêstîna', and Kä'gwantän. First a man came in acting like a bear.
440 THE TLINGIT INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 28 He was trying to catch a man in front of him with his claws, and they had also set up a tree for him. After that a person entered acting like an old Athapascan woman catching a fish under the ice with a fish rake. Those who had invited the people said, "All the people shall not eat to-day. A day shall pass before they eat." This is an old saying which means exactly the reverse. The people who were invited were called by diferent names, those from Sitka being called "Man-of- war's guests."a After they had gotten all of the guests ready to eat, they served roasted salmon first, because the chief for whom this feast was held had been very fond of it. There was still plenty of salmon at Chilkat, although it was cold. After the next dance a still larger feast was given. Then one of the chiefs announced, "The people that I invited as guests are going to eat out of Wu'textaga (a dish). The people that stay at home (i. e., the Klukwan people) are going to eat out of Mother-basket (kak" La)." Then all the guests seated themselves on opposite sides, wearing their valuable hats, and the empty dishes lay in front of them turned over. After a while one got up and said to the host, "Your opposites are going to try to drive your sorrow away." They said this because they were going to dance with the dishes in front of them. When people dance in this way, if one side makes a song more than the other, it precipitates a fight, and that is why the givers of the feast have to stand at the rear of the house and at the side close to the door, with crests, so that there will be no trouble. The contesting sides indicate that they want to dance in peace by saying to each other, "I am holding your daughter's hand." The song leaders on the Sitka side were Na'skli-ic and TA'kla-ic, and, when they started the songs, the latter said, "A well-made hali- but hook will be taken out into the water." This meant that he knew every kind of song, and the opposite people were good for nothing. As soon as he heard this, a Klukwan man named Qäuctê' turned round and asked his wife for his knife, and a fight was imminent. The Sitka people, however, asked the man wearing the Raven hat to call like a raven, and when he said "gā" the disturbance ceased. After that a dish was brought out as long as the lower arm and hand above the knuckles. The food in this was divided through the center and was to be eaten by two young men of Sitka named Canukasayi' and Kätcläti', who had prepared themselves by fasting all that day and the night previous. Disagreeable things and things such as a person liked were mixed together in these dishes. After the people had all seated themselves, they took this dish, called out the names of the two men, and set the dish before them. When Canukasayi' was named, he rose and said to the host, "Am I to eat this dishful?" a The word for man-of-war, ye'nawa, Is simply a corruptlon of the English term. The daughter of one Wolf man being the wife of another, and vice versa.
SWANTON] POTLATCHES 441 The chief's nephew jumped up and said, "Eat it up. Eat it up." CanukAsayî' said, I wanted to eat this dishful before the Wrangell people but not before the people up here." He said this because the Wrangell people were enemies to those of Sitka. Then the chief's wife rose and said to him, "I want you to eat all the food in that dish. When I was in Sitka with the news, your brother said to me, What dish are we going to eat of when I arrive at Chilkat? Your brother is not here, but as you are here I want you to eat up the food in that dish." (His brother had been taken sick and so was unable to go, leaving the duty or penalty to fall upon this man. If a per- son merely whispered to anyone before a potlatch that he was going to eat all the food in this dish, it was quickly reported at Chilkat and he was called upon to do so. If he declined he became a subject for ridicule. It was the same regarding any remark dropped before a potlatch. There were also eating contests between two individuals, each of whom strove to empty the contents of his dish first. Some- times a man's name was called out and all the food in the tray passed to him was eaten before the tray reached him. the people threw Kundułca't, who was considered a great eater, wanted to get at this dish very much, but he was not selected. Then the young men set to and almost succeeded in eating up the food, but not quite. The feat has never been accomplished. The Chilkat people made so much fun of them while they were eating that they concealed the tray and held it for payment until Thom, the Sitka chief, told them to give it up. After another song, the big basket called Mother-basket was brought out and set before the people of Klukwan. All of the guests ate with horn spoons that had belonged to the dead chief. gone on for some time and people know that the hosts are hungry, they invite them and their wives in turn. The hosts and their wives sleep with their blankets gathered up around their waists. Next morning the Sitka people were all taken into their hosts' houses to talk with them about taking up the bones of the dead, putting them into a box, and erecting a carving over them. The host asked his visitors to do this, and they performed the service just before the gifts were given out. That was the reason for the feast, and the reason they were summoned. Now is when the host takes charge of the sport, so next morning two cannons were fired off, and the host told the women of his clan to dress up. He did this so that his guests might know that he was feeling happy. So all the women of that clan put on carved head- dresses ornamented with abalone shell, and other good clothing. Around the floor of the house were laid all of those mats that the uncles and mothers of the hosts had formerly used for their guests to sit upon, and one chief had hung up his mother's blanket behind the In these various sports ase on one another and all over the floor.) After a feast has
442 THE TLINGIT INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 26 guests so that they would feel happy." When the guests came they said to them, "Up to the rear of the house. You will sit on my mother," etc. Any property that the man had left by his dead broth- ers, uncles, or mother he took out before the people. If he had nephews, nieces, etc.., he brought them out also at that time. The chief himself also wore the earrings and other things he had received from dead members of the clan, which he wanted to let the people see. They said that "he spent so much money to let the people see them." It is said that Yelgü'xo at this potlatch gave away $6,000 worth of property, and Yelxa'k $5,000 worth, besides the usual sums brought in for previous distribution by other members of their clan. On the second night, just before they started the song for the host when he was about to give his things out, the people were served with food of the finest kinds. (The people sometimes sat in the potlatch house for two days steadily.) A long cloth was stretched out across one end of the house and Yelgū'xo came out behind it wearing a hat named Ku'cta-xoste'yî-qa (Man-that-became-a-land-otter). In olden times his uncles and grandmothers had used it, and for that reason he "killed" $6,000 of his property when be brought it out. He had the property that he was going to give in return for what his wife had gotten in Sitka all placed out first, and it was just double what she had received. This was the custom when people sang. If one did not know how to start a song he would ask somebody in the rear of the house to do so, and pay him fifteen or twenty blankets or the same number of dollars. While the other property was being gotten out they paid the principal guests one or two hundred dollars apiece just for danc- ing. Sometimes a man felt dissatisfied with what he had received and started to walk out. Then the host went in front of him "with a dead man's name" (i. e., mentioning the name of a dead relative), made him sit down, and doubled the amount of property given to him. It took four days to give out the blankets. As a man's name was called out he would answer "Hade'" ("this way "), equivalent to English "here." At such times the host brought out his brother-in-law or his child and put him on the property before it was distributed. This was to make him high caste, for it would be afterwards said of him that so many blankets "were lost to see bim." The last feast, the one which takes place after giving out the blankets, is called Anwü'wu (*"town food" or "food-that-keeps-the- town-alive"), because what they then eat is the home food. Berries, grease, dried eulachon, dried salmon, all kinds of berries, boxes of crackers, oranges, apples, figs, etc., were brought out. Finally the guests "left a dance" in that place, to show respect for aIn olden times they used to kill slaves just as the guests came Into the house.
SWANTON) GAMES 443 their hosts, and they danced for many days. When they started for Sitka their canoes were overloaded. At the last dance the people contended to see who knew the greatest number of songs and which side could last the longer. If one song leader broke down in a song or left some part out it counted against his side. Several boxes of crackers and several trays of grease were also given out for the guests' lunch on their way home. Sometimes, instead of inviting people to his own town for a feast, a man took food to the town of those he desired to honor. It was called Taking- food- to-another- town- to-give-a - feast-in-memory-of-one's- mother (DuLa' naoq!le'di dji'udixa). A grave post and house were not necessarily put up at the same time. A man might put up the former first and then accumulate more property until he had sufficient for the house. Nor was it necessary that he should put up a house at all.
GAMES
The stick game (cīs) was similar to that played by the Haida and Tsimshian. The number of sticks varied considerably, because many were held in reserve, so that the player could change his luck by changing the sticks. Often a player had certain favorites with which he thought he was always lucky. There are said to have been some- times as many as 180. The sticks themselves were divided into sets by various markings and the trump stick, called näq (devilfish), was carefully distinguished from all others. Only one of these was neces- sary, but usually a set had several, so that a man might change if luck ran against him.
As among the southern coast tribes, two players sat opposite each other and handled the sticks alternately. One player selected three ordinary sticks (cict) along with the nãq, shufled them up in shredded cedar bark, and made two parcels, one of which he laid down on each side. The opponent chose one of these and if the naq happened to be in that pile it was his turn to shuffle. If he missed, the opponent tried again, and, luck serving him, kept on until the tenth or eight- eenth time. At this count the shuffler had to make three piles, of which his opponent was at liberty to select two, and only lost in case he then missed the naq. The game in which the critical count was 18 was called DAxklü'ts; the other Kune'. The Tlingit probably counted like the Haida, i. e., each successful guess counted 1, and the opponent had to score it off by a corresponding successful guess and then count 10 or 18 wins more. All of the gaming sticks received names, which are said to have been much the same all along the coast. At any rate djîl, by which name the nãq is known among the Haida, evidently means "bait," and devilfish formed the principal bait for halibut.
0 件のコメント:
コメントを投稿